Games culture children

A variation to this game would be to have several kids play at once. The last person who still has his handkerchief is the winner. Looking for more games from around the world? Photo by George Barker on Unsplash. Looks like we had the same idea. Thanks for sharing your link.

I enjoyed seeing your list, particularly the game of Kho-Kho from India. Five fun games from around the world. This is exactly what I wanted to teach my students. They are learning about traditional games from around the world and I found this wonderful website to get full of useful information!

It helped me a lot. Thanks to you, students got interested in learning different cultures, especially games. Big great thank you! Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Home About Us Contact Us. An Islamic Perspective on Childrearing and Discipline.

Does Religion Matter? Juggling Two Faiths in One Family. All I Need Help! Myths of Multilingual Families. How to Reinforce the Minority Language at Home. Anti-Racist Books for Babies. All Crafts Music Recipes. Ramadan Craft: Sun Catchers. How to Make a Pinata according to my six-year-old. Questions like these are characteristic for scientific approaches which are interested in the social and cultural relevance of media uses.

This cultural and social significance of electronic games, I propose, also is pedagogically relevant, because any educational or teaching effort which aims at mediating so-called "media competency," computer literacy, or ICT skills is preceded by informal and non-formal learning processes of children within their "computer gaming culture. Greenfield discussed possible effects of new media Greenfield, She was sceptical about common fears that new media were bad educators, because they "taught" children and young people things like violent behaviour.

As far as I see Greenfield was one of the first scientists who drew attention to the possible positive effects of watching television or playing video games. Since the situation obviously has changed in one respect: schools have begun to use computers and teach pupils computer skills. But at the same time informal experiences with computer technology have become more common for children and young people.

Most pupils, therefore, have learned about computers before teachers or other educators begin instruction; sometimes the pupils' skills even surpass those of the teachers. A better knowledge about informal learning processes and their background seems to be necessary in order to avoid a "clash of media cultures. These informal experiences do not only influence their private values and attitudes towards new media, but they also have an impact on their educational concepts and actions. However, this coherence is usually not being reflected.

This implies that "new media" - that is media which someone did not grow up with - are often looked at with distrust and scepticism. In addition, members of the older generation on the whole still seem to represent what Max Weber called a "protestant ethic" which implies a rationalized lifestyle and a specific form of self control.

Parents and teachers, for example, usually want children to use a computer for more than playing computer games and if they accept the computer, it is mostly because they want and expect it to lead to more serious types of PC-related activities like writing texts or using educational or learning software Leu, If we look at empirical data we have to state that for children and youth computer games "are the most frequently used interactive media" Beentjes et al.

Without going into too many details, I want to refer to three studies which support this statement. In a European comparative study carried out in and the number of minutes per day spent on various media were considered. Three different interactive media were included here: the internet, the PC not for games and electronic games. On average children and young people between 6 and 16 in Europe spent 32 minutes per day playing electronic games, 17 minutes per day using PC applications not games and 5 minutes per day using the internet.

To give a comparison: minutes per day were devoted to watching television. We have similar findings in other studies which concentrated on the use of the PC only and did not consider consoles or portable video game systems. Figure 2 shows the computer activities of these PC users. It tells us how many children in percent reported they practised the named different activities at least once a week.

On average "playing computer games alone" is the most popular activity. The figures vary, but this statement applies for boys as well as for girls, and it applies for all age groups of this sample 6 to 7 years, 8 to 9 years, 10 to 11 years and 12 to 13 years. In addition, it is quite customary to play computer games together with others, especially for the boys see Figure 2.

This gives a first indication to relevant gender differences with regard to the way computer games are used and integrated into the children's social and cultural activities. The third study I want to refer to was carried out by the same research association in Germany [5] , but it addressed a different age group: 12 to 19 year olds.

Again young adults were asked to report which of the named PC activities they practised regularly. The results see Figure 3 indicate another gender difference: In this age group playing computer games is the most popular activity for boys, but not for girls. The same difference does not exist in the the 6 to 13 age group where playing computer games alone is the most popular kind of PC use for both boys and girls Figure 2.

This might lead to the following hypotheses: Girls lose some interest in computer games when they get older and turn towards the more "serious" types of PC use. Boys, on the other hand, mainly use the PC as a "game machine" throughout their childhood and teenage years.

But as the findings come from two different samples and not from a longitudinal study we cannot take these as granted statements, yet.

Research on the media use of children is still rare. Most studies can be characterized as youth studies. To some degree this statement applies to the social sciences in general: When research work is done to investigate the social and cultural lives of young people it mostly concentrates on youth and not on children.

A common argument for this focus on youth and adolescence is a methodological one. To include children would raise questions like: Do children have sufficient reading abilities to fill in a written questionnaire? Are their cognitive abilities sufficient to understand the questions of an interviewer? Are their linguistic verbal abilities adequate to express what they want to say?

On the whole it seems doubtful that results from empirical studies with children could correspond to scientific standards like objectivity, reliability and validity. At first glance these methodological questions appear to be plausible. The critics claimed that a paradigmatic shift was necessary: childhood should no longer be defined as a developmental stage but as something in and of itself.

This implies that children cannot be reduced to "not yet grown-ups" but they have to be seen and respected as subjects in their own right who develop their own and unique cultural milieus. In the s considerations like that have been prominent especially in discussions of sociologists and other social scientists. How does this different view on children and childhood apply to the above-mentioned methodological questions? First of all, research on children and childhood has been reshaped in an attempt to approach and understand a different culture.

Therefore the main question is not whether the children are or are not able to correspond to scientific or other standards of adult researchers, but whether or not methods i.

Children live in a cultural milieu which adult researchers have to accept and take seriously. In this milieu the children are the experts, not the scientists. We were inspired by the discussions to establish a new sociology of childhood although its mainstream was somehow anti-pedagogical.

However, we do not believe that this is the whole story. Some of the protagonists of the new sociology of childhood e. Helga Zeiher in Germany or Glen Elder in the US have assessed their approach in explicit opposition to the research concept of socialization. They are exclusively interested in social interactions taking place among children and would describe and analyze them as expressions of a cultural microworld. In our view this again is a reductionist concept of childhood, because it presupposes a degree of autonomy which is unrealistic - and not only with regard to children.

In other words: We may accept that children develop their own cultural patterns and milieus without having to deny a concept like socialization Zinnecker, This, of course, requires a revised concept of socialization. The child may no longer be seen as mere putty to be worked on by external forces but as someone who actively participates in the ongoing construction and deconstruction of his social and cultural world.

The scientific "discovery" of children as subjects of their own lives may well be put into the broader context of a changing society. Debates concerning the transformation of childhood in late modernity e. Chisholm et al. The individual has to construct his or her self more or less independently of traditional structures and backgrounds like religion, socio-economic status, family or age.

In an "individualized" society already children are more or less forced to make their own decisions and manage their own life-courses. Pluralization mainly refers to the diversification of options in all spheres of society.

In addition, the notion draws attention to the phenomenon of cultural diversity Welsch, Pluralization is closely connected to individualization, because the latter gives space and freedom for more diversity in lifestyles, beliefs or attitudes. One of the paradoxical aspects of postmodern societies is the permeation of cultural and economic developments. The plurality of options and cultures is partly a result of economic impacts on cultural developments, as it goes along with an expansion of commercialized forms of leisure and media culture.

These considerations were part of the theoretical framework of our study. Changing media cultures are a part and also an expression of more complex changes in society. On this background we tried to provide a comprehensive account of children's use of electronic games in their everyday life and of their attitudes towards these interactive media.

We focused on the "computer gaming cultures" of 7 to 14 year old children. The aim was to get a better understanding of how the children used video and computer games, how they integrated these new media into their leisure activities and peer groups, and how they valued different aspects of the games. We interviewed the children themselves as experts of their media culture, and we assumed that the children were capable of providing relevant and valid information.

The approach can be characterized as descriptive and analytical. We did not want to teach the children anything, but we wanted to learn more about the children's views and ideas.

Therefore, we tried to avoid any normative message or statement when we addressed the children. Our project design was as follows: 1, children filled in a self-completion questionnaire at school. The main areas covered by the questionnaire were use of computer games, social context of use, parental mediation, preferred games and importance of leisure activities. In addition, the children were asked to judge several features and qualities of computer games which referred to four different dimensions: general acceptance, visual and acoustic presentation, dramatic involvement and required competency.

Some of the socio-economic data we raised were family and household data e. About a year after this main study had been finished with regard to the collection of data 21 qualitative interviews focusing more closely on individual preferences and socio-economic backgrounds were conducted in order to perhaps identify different styles of computer game usage. In the following I will concentrate on the first study and present selected findings. They do not pretend to give a complete picture of the children's gaming culture, but may highlight some basic features.

The main distinction we wanted to draw here was between regular gamers, casual gamers and non-gamers. In a pre-test we tried to develop items which came close to how the children would describe how often they play computer games.

We finally decided to use the following items:. I play video or computer games regularly - several times a day - every day - at least once a week. I play video or computer games casually - mostly on weekends - quite seldom, maybe once or twice a month - once in a while, but then maybe for several hours - in another way.

I don't play video or computer games - never tried it - only tried it, but didn't continue - used to play, but don't play anymore. More than half of the boys Only 2. The questionnaire included several questions for those who did not play. Lacking access to a computer or a console does not seem to be of any relevance here. On the whole video and computer games seem to be a matter-of-course for most of the children. But there are significant gender differences here - and in most other areas of the study.

This indicates different media use styles, and to some extent different leisure preferences of boys and girls. A second question referred to the favourite games of the children. In order to reduce the complexity of the questionnaire we decided to ask the children to name their current favourite video or computer game open question. The others wrote down a short description or explained it to the interviewers e.

Boys and girls reported different preferences Figure 5. The favourite games of the boys were action and fighting games 33 percent , sport games 21 percent and platform games 17 percent. The favourite games of the girls, on the other hand, were platform games 48 percent and think or puzzle games 20 percent.

As the different types of games represent different contents these findings probably reflect well-known gender differences with regard to relevant interests. Public discourses on computer games and children suggest that these interactive media have gained a dominant position in the leisure time of children and have begun to substitute more appreciated leisure activities like reading or sports. Many cities in Pakistan are bustling places, full of vivid colors and lots of people.

Given the chance to break out of the crowd, Pakistani children love to laugh and shout their way through a rousing game of tag. What You'll Need: An outdoor space with lots of obstacles like tree stumps, a slide, a swing, rocks, or sturdy benches. How to Play: The game begins with one child as "It. If he chooses neech , then the ground is not safe; runners can be tagged out unless they are ounch , up on something like a stump or a rock.

The opposite is true as well: If "It" chooses ounch, then the ground is safe so everyone remains on terra firma. Of course, children quickly realize that it's boring to stay only in the safe zones. The first person tagged becomes "It" for the next round of the game.

This popular kids game is great fun, great exercise, and a great way to burn energy! In rural parts of Ghana, in West Africa, children's choice of toys is quite limited, but they find plenty of ways to have fun. What You'll Need: Sticks and stones—or if that would be confusing for kids when playing in a backyard packed with them , you can use one penny for each player. How to Play: Designate a leader and a timekeeper, and determine a finish line.

The leader secretly hides the pennies while the other players have their back turned. The timekeeper waits at the finish line to judge which player is first. When the leader says " Pilolo! The winner is awarded one point.

To play again, gather the pennies and designate a new timekeeper and leader. The game is repeated as many times as energy allows; the player with the most points wins.

Korea is a modern nation today, but with its history dating back more than 5, years, the country also retains a great deal of traditional culture.

Korean children celebrate many festivals throughout the year, with colorful costumes and special foods.

How to Play: This traditional and popular kids game is similar to the American "jacks. He then picks one up and tosses it in the air and quickly tries to pick up another stone in time to catch the one he just threw. Now he has two in his hand; he throws one of the stones up in the air, and picks up a third.

This goes on until he has all the stones in his hand. In the second round, the player picks up two stones every time he throws one up. In the third round, he picks up three; four in the fourth, and the fifth time he picks them all up.

For the game's last step, the player tosses all the stones in the air and tries to catch them on the back of his hand.

Then he tosses them up again and tries to catch them in his palm. The number he catches is that player's score. If he fails to catch them all, it's the next person's turn. A popular party game in the United Kingdom, Pass the Parcel may have been played during the medieval era. During that time, a special gift would have been wrapped in cloth and pretty ribbons. Today, a package covered in layers of colorful paper is passed from child to child to the sound of music. What You'll Need: A white elephant "surprise gift.

How to Play: Before the game begins, Mom or Dad will need to make the parcel by wrapping something fun or silly they have around the house in layer upon layer of paper. Using a different pattern or color for each layer will make it easier for kids to tell them apart.

To play, ask the kids to sit or stand in a circle, then turn on the music. Players pass the parcel around until an adult stops the music. The player who is holding the gift removes one layer of wrapping paper.